KHARTOUM (Sudanow) — Below is a digest of the most-noted three press columns of the foregoing week, focusing mainly on the authoritarian ambition by the military component of the Sudanese transitional government to rule single-handedly; the outcomes of a workshop on the separation of religion from state as held between government representatives and an armed faction led by Abdelaziz Elhilu; and the conflict between the Resistance Committees and the freedom of forces and change (FFC) over representation quotas in the legislative council.
Under the heading “Veiled Coup”, Columnist Elhaj Warrag of ‘Al-Dimocrati’ newspaper wrote the following:
Normalizing of ties with Israel constitutes a ‘check-mate’ move in the Sudanese politics game. The military component of the Sudanese transitional government made the ‘check-mate’ move, and ultimately normalized ties with Israel edging another step further toward military supremacy rule, or so they thought. But the USA, being the main stakeholder in this game, has left no room for speculations. On 2nd November 2020, the US department of State issued a self-explanatory statement applauding “the dramatic progress that the ‘civilian-led’ transitional government has made in working toward freedom, peace, and justice for the Sudanese people”.
Columnist Elhaj Warrag sees in the statement’s expression ‘civilian-led transitional government’ a clear message by the US state department that an authoritarian military supremacy over the transitional government structures would not be acceptable or tolerated by the USA. Warrag stated that the military component, being aware by now that an overt military coup would not garner any internal popular support or international approval, should actually back off and let the civilians take the lead as originally agreed.
However, columnist Warrag expresses pessimism in this regard, as he sees many indications that the military generals are not yet willing to back off. One recent indication, as related by Warrag, was the insistently-inciting media rattling by supporters of the defunct regime that the police force should be given a free hand to use live ammunition against peaceful civilian demonstrators in order to secure the morale of the police personnel and preserve transitional government’s prestige and supremacy. Such rattlers wouldn’t have come forward, had they not been granted a green light from high above, stated Warrag.
Another indication, as related by Warrag, was the recent visits by the sovereign council chairperson, Gen. Elburhan, to Ethiopia and Egypt, within contexts that were intentionally set to show him acting as ‘head of state’ rather than simply a ‘chairperson’ of a transitional sovereign council.
However, in spite of ruling out the possibility of a covert military coup, columnist Warrag does not eliminate the staging of a probably covert coup by the military component of the transitional government, by means of demonizing and ultimately excluding governing civilian nominees of the civil component’s political incubator, toward injecting apparently innocent and neutral replacements in the form of military-backed civilians that pledge secret allegiance to anti-revolution security and military control figures. Such civilian replacements would then take over all important and leading governing positions in a way that leaves PM Hamdok empty-handed and without actual powers, said Warrag.
In conclusion the writer stated that even in case such worst scenario materialized, the revolution story would be rehearsed once again, and the fate of the Bashir’s defunct regime would await whoever dares challenge the Sudanese people’s will and aspiration for a civil democratic rule.
In his column at ‘Akhir lahza” newspaper journalist Haitham Alfadl commented on the outcomes of a workshop on the separation of religion from state as held between representatives of the transitional government and an armed struggle faction led by commander Abdulaziz Elhelouu. Columnist Haitham blamed the defunct regime supporters for exaggerating a simple conflict in opinion at the workshop between the transitional government representative Gen. Shamseldin Elkabbashi and negotiating members of the armed faction. The writer highlighted the common knowledge that the workshop was in fact an unofficial preparatory and ground-exploring forum, and not an official negotiation session with declared agenda such as secularist government or separation of religion from state.
Columnist Haitham further expresses his personal belief that decisive matters, such as the adoption of a secularist government and separation of religion from state, need to be ratified and endorsed through constitutionally elected parliament; but he also sees no harm at all in engaging all religious, ethnic and political groups as well as think-tanks into debate forums about these issues in order to prepare the ground and come out with draft remedies and reforms for some key issues in Sudanese politics that have been outstanding ever since independence.
Journalist Haitham says it is high time that Sudanese political opponents should stop demonizing each other over such issues, and start working mutually toward the common benefit of their country.
In conclusion, columnist Haitham expressed hope that the convening of such workshops and seminars will help develop critical and creative thinking toward attaining permanent and satisfactory solutions to Sudan’s long-time ailments on all levels.
Commenting on the formation of the awaited transitional legislative council, journalist Mohammed Hasan Showrbaji wrote in ‘Alrakooba’ e-newspaper lamenting the dispute that had erupted between the Resistance Committees and the leading council of the forces of freedom and change (FFC) regarding the shareholding of legislative council’s representative quotas. The writer quoted a statement made by a senior figure of the Sudanese Umma party, Mr. Fadlalla Nassir, saying that all parties have mutually agreed on the number of legislative council seat quotas for each political party and armed movement.
Journalist Showrbaji expresses grief that the real youth drivers behind December revolution, that uprooted the defunct regime, are to be left out of this seat shareholding process. The writer further states that Sudanese people are fed up of sleepy, good-for-nothing parliament representatives who only seek their personal benefit once they assume office, and are willing to give the lead to revolutionaries who have gallantly took to the streets to topple a nasty, heavy-handed military dictatorship.
Showrbaji states that these revolutionaries are full of enthusiasm and vigor and do have faith in their personal abilities, and in their country’s potential in a way that if given chance to assume leading political positions, they will be able to change the present monotonously-chaotic political scene, and come up with dramatic solutions to garner expertise and best utilize Sudan’s untapped potential resources.
In conclusion, the writer strongly opposes the exclusion of young representatives of the resistance committees, stating that these young revolutionaries do posses the will, the vigor, and the knowledge to change more than any other political party representative does. Accordingly, he suggests that the majority of the anticipated legislative council’s seats should be allotted to these young revolutionaries.
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