Weekly Press Columns Digest
06 December, 2020KHARTOUM (Sudanow) — This week’s digest of local newspapers’ columns will highlight the most-covered three issues of the foregoing week as reflected in certain newspapers’ opinion columns. The highlighted issues include the recently televised interview with transitional Prime Minister Abdalla Hamdok; the of-late formation of the council of transitional term partners; and the prevailing debate on who would succeed the demised leader of the Umma Party, the late Mr. Elsadiq al-Mahdi.
In his column at “Eljareeda” newspaper journalist Zahir Bakheet Elfaki wrote about the long-awaited TV interview with Sudan’s transitional Prime Minister, Mr. Hamdok, stating that almost everybody had been anticipating good news to be declared by the prime minister, but the final outcome was really disappointing, as the prime minister kept repeating the same lavishly worded jargon of hollow rhetorical expressions that has no real value or meaning, considering the harsh realities of people’s daily life, stated the writer.
The writer further reminded the transitional prime minister of daily open talk-of-the-town about deteriorating living standards and incessant price-hikes of basic consumer goods, in view of the transitional government’s inability to utilize Sudan’s vast and untapped natural resources. Journalist Zahir states that every simple layman in Sudan knows about the vast natural resource potentials of the country, and therefore there is no need for the prime minister or anybody else to tell people tales about such resource potentials in store. It is rather high time, remarks the writer, for the transitional government to take practical steps towards unveiling and utilizing of such resource potentials, instead of lavish tell-tales about them.
Mr. Zahir also invited the transitional prime minister and his cabinet to learn lessons from proven experiences of certain countries with natural resources of lesser volume than Sudan, but have already managed to make a real “breakthrough” by crafting and implementing creative policy frameworks and well-informed development plans.
In conclusion the writer criticized the transitional prime minister for making such an inopportune and disappointing public appearance on the official screen when he has no actual promising news for the people, reminding him that he is, by far, the sole and only prime minister in post-colonial Sudan that has garnered such huge popular love and support across the political board. The writer ended by reminding the prime minister that no country has ever ‘made-it-through’ or ‘crossed-the-bar-safely’ by simply steering lavishly-constructed vessels of rhetorical speech.
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Opinion columnist Eilya Aromi Kuku wrote an article in ‘Alrakooba’ e-newspaper commenting on the recent announcement by the chairperson of the sovereign council, Gen. Abdulfattah Alburhan, declaring the formation of a council of transitional term partners as composed of the five military generals of the sovereign council, in addition to the brother of the Rapid Support Force commander, and representatives of the armed movements that are signatory to Juba peace deal as well as other partisan representatives.
Columnist Eilya sees the formation of this council of transitional term partners as yet another maneuvering move by the military component of the transitional government to constrain its civil counterpart and ultimately abort the December revolution objectives. The writer further put forth the claim that the military component’s hidden agenda play against the revolution, while ostensibly feigning the role of an ally and supporter of the revolution objectives.
The writer also claimed that the military members of the sovereign council are still nostalgic about past times, and would very much wish to reverse the clock to the old system, as apparently visible in some utilitarian acts and disposals by the military members of the sovereign council headed by its chairperson, Gen. Alburhan, who appears to be a replica of his removed counterpart general, Elbashir. Examples of such disposals are the hijacking by the military component of the peace process file, away from the cabinet, through the formation of a higher council of peace, said the writer. Another example given by the writer was the recent formation of the council of transitional term partners which was an evident pre-emptive move to abort the formation of a legislative council as provided for in the agreed constitutional document.
Accordingly the writer called upon the cabinet of ministers to fulfill its duties as assigned body under the constitutional document; and act swiftly as legitimate representative of the people and revolutionaries, as well as authorized enforcer of the revolution objectives.
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In an article on ‘Sudanile’ e-magazine, Columnist Omar Alomar highlighted the issue of who would succeed the late / Elsadiq al-Mahdi as leader of the Umma Party. Journalist Alomar claims that this succession issue has become a matter of public opinion, rather than a singly party’s concern. He reiterates that the safest way to appoint a successor to the late party leader should be through the internal party mechanisms and processes in order to strengthen institutional governance within the party’s ranks, as any appointment of a successor other than through recognized institutional mechanisms and processes would play against the party’s solidarity and may lead to undesired splinters and disintegrations among its ranks, stated Alomar.
However, the writer admits that no single party member seems charismatically qualified or competent to fill up the political and religious leadership gap resulting from the demise of the late party leader and Imam of the Ansar sect, though many ambitious actors are trying to steal the show. However, the writer draws attention to the fact that traditional sectarian loyalties are no longer the same among the ranks of the Umma Party and Ansar Sect, except in isolated areas such as in the White Nile and Blue Nile states where huge subsidies to political and sectarian members are still pouring in.
The writer also draws attention to a high sense of awareness among young members of the party, and their ambition to assume leadership, or at least have a say in electing a leader that satisfies their aspirations for institutional governance and democratic practice. However, such young members’ aspirations are likely to collide head-on with traditional lobbyists’ insistence on maintaining the symbolic leadership of al-Mahdi dynasty house. In this regard, the writer thinks the al-Mahdi family member could play a vital role in preserving the party against falling out by standing firm behind any institutionally elected party leader candidate.
In conclusion, the writer describes the adoption of a democratically oriented ‘institutional approach’ for nominating and electing a succeeding leader would be the shortest and safest path towards enhancing the party’s institutional capabilities, political performance and organizational structures.
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